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Matthew Henry’s Complete Commentary
on the Whole Bible
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Matthew Henry |
A C T S.
CHAP. XXV.
Some think that Felix was turned out, and Festus succeeded him, quickly
after Paul’s imprisonment, and that the two years mentioned in the
close of the foregoing chapter are to be reckoned from the beginning of
Nero’s reign; but it seems more natural to compute them from Paul’s
being delivered into the hands of Felix. However, we have here much the
same management of Paul’s case as we had in the foregoing chapter;
cognizance is here taken of it,
I. By Festus the governor; it is brought before him by the Jews,
The hearing of it is appointed to be, not at Jerusalem, as the Jews
desired, out at Cæsarea,
The Jews appear against Paul and accuse him
(ver. 7),
but he stands upon his own innocency
(ver. 8);
and to avoid the removing of the cause to Jerusalem, to which he was
pressed to consent, he at length appeals to Cæsar,
II. By king Agrippa, to whom Festus relates his case
(ver. 13-21),
and Agrippa desires he might have the hearing of it himself,
The court is accordingly set, and Paul brought to the bar
(ver. 23),
and Festus opens the cause
(ver. 24-27),
to introduce Paul’s defence in the next chapter.
| Paul Arraigned before Festus; Paul’s Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar. |
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1 Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days
he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem.
2 Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him
against Paul, and besought him,
3 And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to
Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him.
4 But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea,
and that he himself would depart shortly thither.
5 Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go
down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness
in him.
6 And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he
went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment
seat commanded Paul to be brought.
7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem
stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against
Paul, which they could not prove.
8 While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the
Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I
offended any thing at all.
9 But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul,
and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of
these things before me?
10 Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar’s judgment seat, where I
ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou
very well knowest.
11 For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy
of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these
things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them.
I appeal unto Cæsar.
12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council,
answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou
go.
We commonly say, “New lords, new laws, new customs;” but here was a new
governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had from
the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as
he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust
to him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn
him to die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is,
I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used
with the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to
Jerusalem was in effect to abandon him.
1. See how speedy they were in their applications to Festus concerning
Paul. As soon as ever he had come into the province, and had
taken possession of the government, into which, probably, he was
installed at Cæsarea, within three days he went up to
Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were
upon him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at
Cæsarea, where Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that
in that time Paul made any application to him to release him, though,
no doubt, he could have made good friends, that he might hope to have
prevailed by; but as soon as ever he comes up to Jerusalem the priests
are in all haste to make an interest with him against Paul. See how
restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently bears the lengthening
out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay of his
prosecution even to the death.
2. See how spiteful they were in their application. They informed
the governor against Paul
(v. 2)
before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if
possible, prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party
who was to be the judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they
could not confide in; for the governor would be sure to hear him
himself, and then all their informations against him would fall to the
ground; and therefore they form another project much more base, and
that is to assassinate Paul before he came upon his trial. These
inhuman hellish methods, which all the world profess at least to abhor,
have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify their malice against the
gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal for Moses.
Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum–Such was their dire religious
zeal.
3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the governor was
himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul thither,
and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great deal of
labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with having
profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be
tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they
designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him
upon the road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so
strong a guard as he was sent down with, or that the officers that were
to bring him up might be bribed to give them an opportunity for their
wickedness. It is said, They desired favour against Paul. The
business of prosecutors is to demand justice against one that they
suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not proved so, it is as much
justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he be. But to desire
favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who ought to be of
counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought to be for
the prisoner, in favorem vitæ–to favour his life, but
here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the
governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon
him.
II. The governor’s resolution that Paul shall take his trial at
Cæsarea, where he now is,
See how he manages the prosecutors.
1. He will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no,
he gave orders that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. It does not
appear that he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of
their bloody design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had
when he sent him to Cæsarea
but perhaps he was not willing so far to oblige the high priest and his
party, or he would maintain the honour of his court at Cæsarea
and require their attendance there, or he was not willing to be at the
trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason for
refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of
the hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep
their conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery
of it might not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though
God does not, as then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as
effectual, to bring it to nought, by inclining the heart of the
governor, for some other reasons, not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God
is not tied to one method, in working out salvation for his people. He
can suffer the designs against them to be concealed, and yet not suffer
them to be accomplished; and can make even the carnal policies of great
men to serve his gracious purposes.
2. Yet he will do them the justice to hear what they have to say
against Paul, if they will go down to Cæsarea, and appear against
him there: “Let those among you who are able, able in body and
purse for such a journey, or able in mind and tongue to manage the
prosecution–let those among you who are fit to be managers,
go down with me, and accuse this man; or, those who are
competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal upon him,
let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such wickedness
in him as you charge upon him.” Festus will not take it for granted, as
they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it is
proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he
be guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so.
III. Paul’s trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten
days, and then went down to Cæsarea, and the prosecutors,
it is likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with
him; and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing
this cause should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he
will despatch it the next day. Expedition in administering
justice is very commendable, provided more haste be not made than good
speed. Now here we have,
1. The court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in
the judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought
before him that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be
brought, and to make his appearance,
v. 6.
Christ, to encourage his disciples and keep up their spirits under such
awful trials of their courage as this was to Paul, promised them that
the day should come when they should sit on thrones, judging the
tribes of Israel.
2. The prosecutors exhibiting their charges against the prisoner
(v. 7):
The Jews stood round about, which intimates that they were many.
Lord, how are they increased that trouble me! It intimates also
that they were unanimous, they stood by one another, and resolved to
hold together; and that they were intent upon the prosecution, and
eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood round about, if
possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with their malicious
design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put him out of
countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance to be
frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are
quenched as the fire of thorns,
Ps. cxviii. 12.
When they stood round about him, they brought many and grievous
accusations against Paul, so it should be read. They charged him
with high crimes and misdemeanors. The articles of impeachment were
many, and contained things of a very heinous nature. They represented
him to the court as black and odious as their wit and malice could
contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they thought fit, and
came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not prove
what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the complaints
were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they opened it,
or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things that he
knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most
excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against
them falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon
the seat of the scornful, but even before the
judgment-seat.
3. The prisoner’s insisting upon his own vindication,
v. 8.
Whoever reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own
tongue shall not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity
from him. When it came to his turn to speak for himself, he
insisted upon his general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law
of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have
I offended any thing at all.
(1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any doctrine
destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he
established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law,
was no offence against the law.
(2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any contempt at all upon
the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel temple did not at
all offend against that temple which was a type of it.
(3.) He had not offended against Cæsar, nor his government. By
this it appears that now his cause being brought before the government,
to curry favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to
Cæsar, they had charged him with some instances of disaffection
to the present higher powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to
that matter, and to protest that he was no enemy to Cæsar, not so
much as those were who charged him with being so.
IV. Paul’s appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the
cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was
a sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God
puts it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which
he had said to him, that he must bear witness to Christ at
Rome, for there the emperor’s court was,
We have here,
1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at
Jerusalem,
v. 9.
Festus was willing to do the Jews a pleasure, inclined to
gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go
with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome, and therefore asked
him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and clear
himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have his
witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not
offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the
Jews would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of
these things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might
have ordered him thither, but he would not do it without his own
consent, which, if he could have wheedled him to give it, would have
taken off the odium of it. In suffering times, the prudence of the
Lord’s people is tried as well as their patience; being sent forth
therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as
serpents.
2. Paul’s refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if
he were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of
the president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death
of him; and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads,
(1.) That, as a citizen of Rome, it was most proper for him to be
tried, not only by the president, but in that which was properly his
court, which sat at Cæsarea: I stand at Cæsar’s
judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the
metropolis of the province. The court being held in Cæsar’s name,
and by his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by
him, it might well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all
writs run in the name of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are
held. Paul’s owning that he ought to be judged at Cæsar’s
judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ’s ministers are not exempted
from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but ought to be subject to
them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and, if they be guilty
of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent, yet to submit
to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them.
(2.) That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to
make himself obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as
thou very well knowest. It very well becomes those that are
innocent to plead their innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt
we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against
ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear
false witness against us.
(3.) That he was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let
that take its course,
If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves death, he will not
offer either to make resistance or to make his escape, will neither
flee from justice nor fight with it: “I refuse not to die, but will
accept of the punishment of my iniquity.” Not that all who have
committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves,
and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought
to justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the
government are righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made
examples. But, if he be innocent, as he protests he is, “If there be
none of these things whereof these accuse me,–if the prosecution
be malicious and they are resolved to have my blood right or
wrong,–no man may deliver me unto them, no, not the governor
himself, without palpable injustice; for it is his business as much to
protect the innocent as to punish the guilty;” and he claims his
protection.
3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the
Jews, and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands,
whose tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier
resort–the last refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary
there, since he cannot have justice done him in any other way: “I
appeal unto Cæsar. Rather than be delivered to the Jews”
(which Festus seems inclined to consent to) “let me be delivered to
Nero.” When David had divers times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul,
and concluded he was such a restless enemy that he should one day
perish by his hands, he came to this resolution, being in a manner
compelled to it, There is nothing better for me than to take shelter
in the land of the Philistines,
1 Sam. xxvii. 1.
So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham must be
forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call
themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than
in Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot!
V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released
nor condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death;
his friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved
neither so nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it
was. It is an instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes
takes, not bringing things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which
we are often made ashamed both of our hopes and of our fears, and are
kept still waiting on God. The cause had before been adjourned to
another time, now to another place, to another court, that Paul’s
tribulation might work patience.
1. The president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the
council—meta tou symbouliou, not with the council of
the Jews (that is called synedrion), but with his own
counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor with their
advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and judges
should consult both with themselves and others before they pass
sentence.
2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an
appeal to Cæsar’s person, but only to his court, the sentence of
which he would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew’s council,
and that Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to
Rome, or, at least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon
the appeal. But it should seem, by what Agrippa said
(ch. xxvi. 32),
that he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to
Cæsar–that, by the course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen
might appeal at any time to a superior court, even to the supreme, as
causes with us are removed by certiorari, and criminals by
habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the house of
peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to this
resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar
thou shalt go. He found there was something very extraordinary in
the case, which he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either
one way or other, and the knowledge of which he thought would be an
entertainment to the emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his
cognizance. In our judgment before God those that by justifying
themselves appeal to the law, to the law they shall go, and it will
condemn them; but those that by repentance and faith appeal to the
gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save them.
| Agrippa’s Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa. |
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13 And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto
Cæsarea to salute Festus.
14 And when they had been there many days, Festus declared
Paul’s cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left
in bonds by Felix:
15 About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and
the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment
against him.
16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to
deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the
accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself
concerning the crime laid against him.
17 Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on
the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to
be brought forth.
18 Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none
accusation of such things as I supposed:
19 But had certain questions against him of their own
superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul
affirmed to be alive.
20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked
him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of
these matters.
21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing
of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to
Cæsar.
22 Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man
myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with
great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the
chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus’
commandment Paul was brought forth.
24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here
present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of
the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here,
crying that he ought not to live any longer.
25 But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of
death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have
determined to send him.
26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord.
Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially
before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might
have somewhat to write.
27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and
not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.
We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul
before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but
in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify
his curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they
should be brought before governors and kings. In the former part of
this chapter Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before
Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. Here is,
I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now
upon his coming into the government in that province
(v. 13):
After certain days, king Agrippa came to Cæsarea. Here is
royal visit. Kings usually think it enough to send their ambassadors
to congratulate their friends, but here was a king that came himself,
that made the majesty of a prince yield to the satisfaction of a
friend; for personal converse is the most pleasant among friends.
Observe,
1. Who the visitants were.
(1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod (surnamed Agrippa) who
killed James the apostle, and was himself eaten of worms, and great
grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was born. Josephus calls
this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor made him king of
Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene, mentioned
The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr. Lightfoot tells us) among
other things relate this story of him, “That reading the law publicly,
in the latter end of the year of release, as was enjoined, the king,
when he came to those words
Thou shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy
brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed
of Israel, which the congregation observing, cried out, Be of good
comfort, king Agrippa, thou art our brother; for he was of their
religion, though not of their blood.”
(2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a widow, the
widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she lived
with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with
her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of
Cilicia, she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother
king Agrippa. Juvenal (Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which
Agrippa gave to Bernice, his incestuous sister:–
| ————–Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior; hunc dedit olim Barbarus incestæ, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori. That far-famed gem which on the finger glow’d Of Bernice (dearer thence), bestowed By an incestuous brother.–GIFFORD. |
And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards
between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was
another sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in
those times! Say not that the former days were better.
2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute
Festus, to give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy
in it; they came to compliment him upon his accession to the
government, and to keep up a good correspondence with him, that
Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee, might act in concert with
Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is probable they came
as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him, and to share in
the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine clothes, which
would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad.
II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case,
which he gave.
1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very
remarkable story, and worth any man’s hearing, not only as it was
surprising and entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very
instructive and edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to
Agrippa, not only because he was a judge, and there were some points of
law and practice in it well worth his notice, but much more as he was a
Jew, and there were some points of religion in it much more deserving
his cognizance.
2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge,
at least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of
himself and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of
those that were older and more experienced, especially in a matter that
had so much difficulty in it as Paul’s case seemed to have, and
therefore he declared it to the king. Let us now see the particular
account he gives to king Agrippa concerning Paul,
(1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this
province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account
of his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in
bonds by Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the
first taking of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for
he found him in bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left
Paul bound, though he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he
did, knew not but he might fall into worse hands than he did fall into,
though they were none of the best.
(2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: “The
chief priests and the elders informed me against him as a
dangerous man, and not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be
condemned to die.” These being great pretenders to religion, and
therefore to be supposed men of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he
ought to give credit to them; but Agrippa knows them better than he
does, and therefore Festus desires his advice in this matter.
(3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner,
and would not condemn him unheard
(v. 16):
“It is not the manner of the Romans, who herein govern
themselves by the law of nature and the fundamental rules of justice,
to deliver any man to die, to grant him to destruction” (so the
word is), “to gratify his enemies with his destruction, before the
accused has the accusers face to face, to confront their testimony,
and have both licence and time given him to answer for himself.” He
seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the Romans and their
government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they would condemn
a man without trying him: “No,” says he, “I would have you to know,
whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the Romans allow not of
such a piece of injustice among them.” Audi et alteram partem–Hear
the other side, had become a proverb among them. This rule we ought
to be governed by in our private censures in common conversation; we
must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words and actions,
till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See
(4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of
his place,
That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors had not reason
to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever they had
come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay, on
the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him
in the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they
used to do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment
they judged de plano–upon even ground. He called a great court
on purpose for the trial of Paul, that the sentence might be
definitive, and the cause ended.
(5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they
brought against him
(v. 18, 19):
When the accusers stood up against him, and opened their
indictment, they brought no accusations of such things as I
supposed.
[1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their
urging it thus upon the Roman governors one after another,
First, That they had something to accuse him of that was
dangerous either to private property or the public peace,–that they
would undertake to prove him a robber, or a murderer, or a rebel
against the Roman power,–that he had been in arms to head a
sedition,–that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an uproar,
and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed him
to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries
against the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the
standers-by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but
conclude them the worst of men; and to represent them so was the design
of that clamour, as it was against our Saviour. Secondly, That
they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman
courts, and which the governor was properly the judge of, as Gallio
expected
otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and
really an affront to him.
[2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor
so; they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs
and evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was
disputable whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an
endless debate, but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him,
questions fitter for the schools than for the judgment-seat. And they
were questions of their own superstition, so he calls their
religion; or, rather, so he calls that part of their religion which
Paul was charged with doing damage to. The Romans protected their
religion according to their law, but not their superstition, nor the
tradition of their elders. But the great question, it seems, was
concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be
alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian
religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it
that the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon,
even Jesus. See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his
death and resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews
and the Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the
great proof of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead,
as if it were no more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and
Paul affirmed he was alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this
question, whether such a person that has been long absent be living or
dead, and proofs are brought on both sides; and Festus will have it
thought that this is a matter of no more moment. Whereas this Jesus,
whom he prides himself in being thus ignorant of, as if he were below
his notice, is he that was dead, and is alive, and lives for
evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death,
Rev. i. 18.
What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a matter of
such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone.
(6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be
adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an
affair of this nature
(v. 20):
“Because I doubted of such manner of questions, and thought
myself unfit to judge of things I did not understand, I asked him
whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear before the great
sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters.” He would not
force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it, that he
might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature.
(7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to
Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the
priests: “He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus
(v. 21),
having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court;
and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner
till I might send him to Cæsar, for I did not see cause to
refuse his appeal, but rather was pleased with it.”
III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing
of his cause.
1. The king desired it
(v. 22):
“I thank you for your account of him, but I would also hear the man
myself.” Agrippa knows more of this matter, of the cause and of the
person, than Festus does; he has heard of Paul, and knows of what vast
concern this question is, which Festus makes such a jest of, whether
Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige him more than to hear
Paul. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the
matters of religion, except they can hear them like themselves in the
judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have gone to a
meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet
they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy
their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he
might be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only
put some credit upon him.
2. Festus granted it: To-morrow thou shalt hear him. There was a
good providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed
buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of
doing good. We know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his
prison at Cæsarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his
friends that visited him, and perhaps to a little congregation of them
that visited him every Lord’s-day, was but a low and narrow sphere of
usefulness, so that he seemed to be thrown by as a despised broken
vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but this gives him an
opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and (which is
more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix heard him in private
concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus agree he shall
be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon in the
next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of
his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the
honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his
life.
3. Great preparation was made for it
(v. 23):
The next day there was a great appearance in the place of
hearing, Paul and his cause being much talked of, and the more for
their being much talked against.
(1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in
state, and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the
occasion, that they might see and be seen; for they came with great
pomp, richly dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with
a great retinue of footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid
show, and dazzled the eyes of the gazing crowd. They came meta
polles phantasias—with great fancy, so the word is.
Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It neither adds any read
excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a vain humour, which
wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a show, a dream,
a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and it
passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for
ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice
appeared in was,
[1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty of it
sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn
them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons,
[2.] Outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What
was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom,
and grace, and holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for
Christ! His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their
chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond
of worldly pomp that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it and so
good a man loaded with the reverse of it?
(2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this
opportunity to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It
answered the end of a ball at court, it brought the fine folks together
in their fine clothes, and served for an entertainment. It is probable
that Festus sent Paul notice of it overnight, to be ready for a hearing
the next morning before Agrippa. And such confidence had Paul in the
promise of Christ, that it should be given him in that same hour
what he should speak, that he complained not of the short warning,
nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that those who were
to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about their
clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care about
his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him.
IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court,
or rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with
the account he had just now given to Agrippa.
1. He addressed himself respectfully to the company: “King Agrippa,
and all men who are here present with us.” He speaks to all the
men—pantes andres, as if he intended a tacit
reflection upon Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this
nature; he does not refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her
counsel; but, “All you that are present that are men (so the
words are placed), I desire you to take cognizance of this matter.” The
word used is that which signifies men in distinction from women; what
had Bernice to do here?
2. He represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great
spite against; not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both
at Jerusalem and here at Cæsarea, cry out that he ought
not to live any longer, for they think he has lived too long
already, and if he live any longer it will be to do more mischief. They
could not charge him with any capital crime, but they wanted to have
him out of the way.
3. He confesses the prisoner’s innocency; and it was much for the
honour of Paul and his bonds that he had such a public acknowledgement
as this from the mouth of his judge
(v. 25):
I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. Upon a
full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no evidence at all to
support the indictment: and therefore, though he was inclinable enough
to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought in Paul
not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he stood
upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured
against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should
release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should
have courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so
much smoke that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which
would appear at last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation
of it.
4. He acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the
prisoner had appealed to the emperor himself (where by he put ann
honour upon his own cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of
the greatest of men), and that he had admitted his appeal: I have
determined to send him. And thus the cause now stood.
5. He desires their assistance in examining the matter calmly and
impartially, now that there was no danger of their being interrupted,
as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the prosecutors-that
he might have at least such an insight into the cause as was necessary
to his stating it to the emperor,
(1.) He thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially
so far as Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against
him, that the matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put
in a readiness for the emperor’s determination; for he is supposed to
be a man of great business, and therefore every affair must be laid
before him in as little compass as possible.
(2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning
Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him,
and so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He
therefore desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might
be advised by them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and
vexation those were put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard,
in the administration of public justice, who live at such a distance
from Rome, and yet were subject to the emperor of Rome. The same was
this nation of ours put to (which is about as far distant from Rome the
other way) when it was in ecclesiastical affairs subject to the pope of
Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions made to his court; and the
same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those bring upon us who
would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage.
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